Inscoe notes how the supposedly more accurate, early twentieth-century depictions of the region including those by Horace Kephart, William G. Frost, John C. Anne E. Nowhere to be found are the voices of African Americans. Although much space is devoted to discussing race relations and related topics, we never hear from black Appalachians themselves.
Another complaint of mine is that so many Appalachian scholars, since Henry D. In an edited volume such as this, all references to Frost et al. I can think of several which might be consulted: Joseph C. Criticisms aside, this is an essential work for Appalachian Studies scholars whether historians or not. Citation: Fred J. Review of Slap, Andrew L.
Criminal Amnesty, State Courts, and the Reach of Reconstruction
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Places (Part II) - The Cambridge History of the American Civil War
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Effects of the War of 1812
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These notes are by no means complete. Readers are encouraged to check out the DraperConference hashtag on Twitter for some incredible live tweets by conference participants and to watch the archived recordings made of several of the panels, and where possible, assess for themselves the summations presented here. Accordingly, she provided opening remarks around a series of questions that framed the various panels that followed.
Fortunately, too, Sinha participated in the closing plenary session and offered some initial thoughts about the cumulative significance of what had taken place more on that in the next post. Without her guiding vision, this important reconsideration of Reconstruction could not have taken place.
In keeping with the theme, each panel pushed the temporal and historiographic boundaries of Reconstruction. Pamela Brandwein brought attention to the state action doctrine as articulated in the Ex Parte Yarborough case , and especially in the ruling of Associate Supreme Court Justice Joseph Bradley. Kate Masur connected the repeal of the black laws in the Old Northwest, prior to the Civil War, to the debates surrounding the Thirteenth Amendment in Christian Samito reminded us of another important truism, namely that the Civil Rights Act did not abandon an overarching commitment to federalism.
John Fabian Witt challenged what he considered the last holdout of the Dunning School—the view of military authority as antithetical to civil rights themselves. Collectively, the opening panel effectively pushed back on the historiographic supremacy of the Cruikshank decision and the later Civil Rights cases The second panel took a biographical turn and patterned itself in the traditional mode of political history that has privileged male subjects.
Heather Cox Richardson connected the political history of the Republican Party to the expansion of western states; however, she finds that these states shared much in common with the former Confederacy in their handling of labor and race relations. Abigail Cooper drew attention to the continued valance of conjuring in the spiritual beliefs of African American cosmology and included recent anthropological finds from Camp Nelson in Kentucky.
Jim Downs rendered a critical fabulation of how medical doctors during the Civil War utilized black bodies as incubators for smallpox inoculation. Although covering disparate topics, all four papers plumbed new depths of African American interiority during the s and s. Theirs were social and cultural questions that incorporated localized viewpoints to reflect broader themes in the Reconstruction period. Designed for general readers, his forthcoming The Second Founding will surely provoke popular attention to the era of the Civil War and Reconstruction and continue to open, rather than close down, future investigations of the subject.
The Draper Conference continued with another full day of panels and presentations. But at the close of day one, an electric spirit filled the air. The four panels and the keynote address touched upon major methodological, chronological, and geographical fault lines in the historiography of Reconstruction. Here I will highlight two such strands that, in retrospect, appear especially important.
As noted earlier, the third panel on Western and Native American History first raised this question. However, little seems to have been resolved by either that panel or the larger conference. If anything, the absence of Native American voices, and moreover attention to Native American history, limited this necessary discussion.
In fact, during the plenary on the following day, Sinha offered her view that the story of African American Reconstruction in the South seems to stand separate from the history of the Indian Wars in the West. Perhaps, as Charles Postel later pointed out, this is because, in its own day, the term Reconstruction applied narrowly and exclusively to the southern theater.
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If historians insist upon a wider application, this neat historical association will be lost with it. And given the casting of Reconstruction in the recent four-part PBS Reconstruction documentary—one that has been critiqued for missing wider connections westward and northward—it will be a framing to which the public mind has not been exposed. Equally, day one of the conference might lead one to suspect that Reconstruction consisted entirely of legal and political events, often conducted by white politicians in Washington, D.
Certainly, part of the complicated legacy of Reconstruction has been its use by later generations for political purposes. As the paper by Witt and the address by Foner reminded us, the remnants of the Dunning School, and its flawed view of Reconstruction as an abject failure, stubbornly cling to life in the popular mind. In my own view, an emphasis on black political activism and black political leaders would center the narrative around questions of power, from which so much of the lived experience of African Americans in the South and more widely in the United States can be traced.
Local political engagements are certainly important, yet the Reconstruction chronology might be profitably told alongside the longer story of black political power at the national level i. Congress and in appointments to federal offices.
For this reason, the expiration of the term of Representative George Henry White of North Carolina in might make for a fitting end to such a narrative. In the next post , I will continue my observations about day two of the Draper Conference. Norton, forthcoming. See also the excellent historiographic overview by John M. Thank you for participating in this special issue, Carrie, and also for chatting with us briefly. Many of our readers have read your article in this March issue, but could you briefly summarize the focus and argument of your article?
Most works on the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia end their story with the surrender on April 9, , at Appomattox. But their journeys also revealed the degree to which a substantial portion of Confederate civilians continued to support them even in defeat and highlighted the ways in which Confederates might continue to fight the results of emancipation. What inspired you to undertake this research?
I have long been interested in what happened to soldiers—both Union and Confederate—after the fighting stopped. That is what led me to spend so much of my career studying memory. But once I began the research, I realized the story was much more complicated and went in many more directions than I had anticipated. Research in archives can lead us in new directions. Which connects to another question I have for you.
As I read your article, it struck me that it was probably challenging to locate a source base that could address these questions. Can you share what kind of methodological approach you used here?
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That was my starting point. Beyond the accounts of individuals, I have spent a great deal of time at the National Archives looking at a variety of records from Departmental ledger books to parole records. While waiting for a ship, they embarked on what would be the first of several murders of United States Colored Troops during their trip home.
Each time, they managed to avoid getting caught. I argue that these murders underscored the degree to which wartime atrocities by Confederates against the USCT continued after April 9, The Confederate army had often disregarded and, in numerous instances, sanctioned the killing of African American soldiers. It should therefore come as no surprise that even after surrendering, these rebel soldiers continued to behave as they had prior to Appomattox.